Dr. Nasser Alkidwa

Al-Muntada Hall

Yasser Arafat Museum

3 February 2020

Translated from Arabic

 

 

A Read on “Trump’s Vision”

entitled

PEACE TO PROSPERITY

A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and the Israeli People

 

On the 28^th of January 2020, at a ceremony at the White House in Washington DC, U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced what had long been described as “The Deal of the Century” but presented as:

PEACE TO PROSPERITY

A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People

One might wonder at the use of the singular form, ‘People’, in reference to both Palestinians and Israelis.  This is confusing at best.

Trump’s Vision contains two parts, including a glossary, and appendices; the first part is a 39-page political framework comprising 22 sections, a conceptual map and appendices.  The second part is a 38-page economic framework, followed by appendices and an “executive summary” and numerous graphs and charts. 

The following is a preliminary reading of the Vision:

Of note is that it is no longer described as a “deal” but as a “vision.”  It does not present a draft of a final resolution in clear steps within clear timelines, regardless of our understanding of its deviant essence.

In a lecture at Yasser Arafat Museum on the 7^th of May 2019, I discussed what is now being confirmed to us:  there is no deal, no peace plan, and no proposal to resolve the conflict, but there is a U.S. Middle East policy that is evident in a series of positions and measures – many of which we have seen implemented on the ground, such as the refusal to support the two-state solution, the attempt to legitimize settlements, the recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and transfer of the U.S. Embassy there in addition to abolishing the U.S. Consulate-General, fighting UNRWA, shuttering Palestinian representation in the United States, and cutting aid.

 At that time, we said that we do not need to see the “deal,” and that it will be consistent with the policies.  We were partially correct, because yes, what we saw was consistent but even worse, as we will later see.  I am presenting the following reading, not for the purpose of discussion or negotiation, as this is not possible, but rather for the purpose of discerning and explaining the details to our communities and friends, and to expose how horrific the text of this Vision is.
 

First: it should be noted that the glossary states that the “State of Palestine” throughout the entire Vision refers to a future state that does not currently exist, and would not be recognized by the United States, unless the conditions, specifications and standards in the Vision are implemented.  The term generally used in the Vision is the “State of Israel and the Palestinians” with clear legal and political connotations.

 

PART A

POLITICAL FRAMEWORK

 

Section One, entitled INTRODUCTION, encompasses five topics.

The first is “Background”

The Vision states that “Palestinians have aspirations that have not been realized, including self-determination, improvement of their standard of living, . . .” and that “the intractability of this problem is the conflation of two separate conflicts: a territorial, security, and refugee dispute between Israel and the Palestinians and a religious dispute between Israel and the Muslim world regarding control over places of religious significance.”

We note that the reference is only to aspirations of Palestinians and not “right of the Palestinian people”. This argument posits that there is no conflict, rights, and historic injustice.

The “Background” further states “We believe that if more Muslim and Arab countries normalize relations with Israel it will help advance a just and fair resolution to the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.”

Second: “Oslo”

Here, the Vision proposes a strange concept, and a quote from former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin is included out of context.  As well, there is no mention of why and how he was killed?

Third:  “Realistic Two-State Solution”

According to the Vision, “A realistic solution would give the Palestinians all the power to govern themselves but not the powers to threaten Israel . . . Palestinian leaders must embrace peace by recognizing Israel as the Jewish state, rejecting terrorism in all its forms, allowing for special arrangements that address Israel’s and the region’s vital security needs, building effective institutions and choosing pragmatic solutions.  If these steps are taken and the criteria set forth in this Vision are satisfied, then the United States will support the establishment of a Palestinian State.”  The Vision here does not clarify when and how will this materialize.

The fourth topic alludes to “Opportunities for Regional Cooperation” and the fifth topic addresses an “Economic Vision for a Prosperous Future.”

 

SECTION TWO 

THE APPROACH

Section Two includes the following:

First:  OVERVIEW OF UNITED NATIONS EFFORTS

This overview contains a general attack on the resolutions and efforts of the United Nations, concluding, “such resolutions have not and will not resolve the conflict.”

While this is true, the reason is Israel’s refusal and its protection by the United States.  New wording in this Vision, “have not and will not,” essentially represents a rejection of international law and the rules of international conduct.

Second:  CURRENT REALITIES

The Vision addresses what it called “Current Realities.”  I believe this is the core theme of the “dealers” of this Vision:  to admit the existing reality and Israel's illegal actions and attempt to legitimize them as an alternative to international legitimacy and international law.

Third:  LEGITIMATE ASPIRATIONS OF THE PARTIES 

Here, the Vision begins by claiming, “Palestinians have never had a state.”  This is a historic injustice, as if Israel has long been there.  Where is Partition resolution 181?

The Vision then states that Palestinians “have a legitimate desire to rule themselves and chart their own destiny” and “the State of Israel has a legitimate desire to be the nation-state of the Jewish people.”

Fourth:  THE PRIMACY OF SECURITY is addressed below.  

Fifth:  THE QUESTION OF TERRITORY, SELF-DETERMINATION AND SOVEREIGNTY

The Vision considers that “withdrawing from territory captured in a defensive war is a historical rarity.  It must be recognized that the State of Israel has already withdrawn from at least 88% of the territory it captured in 1967.  This Vision provides for the transfer of sizeable territory by the State of Israel – territory to which Israel has asserted valid legal and historical claims, and which are part of the ancestral homeland of the Jewish people.”

This infers that there is no Palestinian territory, partition or UN resolution 181, which partitioned Palestine into two states and called for an internationalized Jerusalem.  The language generally is an assault on principles of international law such as the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war.

The Vision continues, “Peace should not demand the uprooting of people – Arab or Jew – from their homes” and this is no favor, the intent is clearly to keep illegal settlers in their illegal settlements, “Self-determination is the hallmark of a nation.  This Vision is intended to maximize self-determination, while taking all relevant factors into account.”

This presumes that there are no Palestinian people who have the right to self-determination, and implies terminating the right to self-determination, as there is no Palestinian territory or land for the State of Palestine.

Sixth:  REFUGEES

The Vision states, “The Arab-Israeli conflict created both a Palestinian and Jewish refugee problem. . . A just, fair and realistic solution to the Palestinian refugee issue is necessary” and “a just solution for these Jewish refugees should be implemented through an appropriate international mechanism.”

Seventh:  JERUSALEM

The Vision considers that “The State of Israel has been a good custodian of Jerusalem” – unlike others.

This, of course, is nonsense in light of [Israeli] violations and daily attacks on mosques and churches, the burning of Al-Aqsa Mosque, excavations, etc.

Eighth:  THE PROBLEM OF GAZA

If Palestinians and Israelis reach a peace agreement, “the State of Israel will be expected to implement its obligations under the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement only if the Palestinian Authority, or another body acceptable to Israel, has full control of Gaza, terror organizations in Gaza are disarmed, and Gaza is fully demilitarized.”

Ninth:  INTERNATIONAL ASSISTANCE

According to the Vision, “countries that have donated funds . . . want to ensure that aid to the Palestinians will be spent wisely and significantly reduced over time . . .”

 

SECTION THREE  

A VISION FOR PEACE BETWEEN THE STATE OF ISRAEL, THE PALESTINIANS

AND THE REGION

The Vision states that “it is also the hope of the United States that Arab nations within the region that have yet to achieve peace with the State of Israel will immediately begin to normalize with Israel.”

SECTION FOUR

BORDERS

The Vision calls for “redrawing boundaries in the spirit of UNSCR 242, and in a manner that…” – listing nine points that relate to the conditions to redraw boundaries, the first of which is to “meet the security requirements of the State of Israel.”   Of note here is that the Vision does not define any boundaries as a starting point.

The Vision states:

• “…a Palestinian state that encompasses territory reasonably comparable in size to the territory of the West Bank and Gaza pre-1967.”   How?  Perhaps by incorporating the area of the Triangle.
• Israel “will not have to uproot any settlement, and will incorporate the vast majority of Israeli settlements into contiguous Israeli territory.”
• “Approximately 97% of Israelis in the West Bank will be incorporated into contiguous Israeli territory.”
• “Approximately 97% of Palestinians in the West Bank will be incorporated into contiguous Palestinian territory.” In reality, about 370 Palestinians will remain under Israeli occupation.

Also mentioned are enclaves on both sides.

• “The Jordan Valley, which is critical for Israel’s national security, will be under Israeli sovereignty.”

• “The State of Israel will retain sovereignty over territorial water.”
• “Land swaps provided by the State of Israel could include both populated and unpopulated areas.”
• The possibility that the “Triangle Communities become part of the State of Palestine”.  This means getting rid of more than 200,000 Arab-Israelis – ethnic cleansing.

The Vision also addresses roads and overpasses, etc.

• “The security barrier will be realigned to match the new borders.”
• “Freedom of access to all religious sites of all faiths in both states.”
• “[E]stablishment of an “INTERNATIONAL FUND” for the development of land swap areas.”

 

SECTION FIVE

JERUSALEM

The Vision is presented with reasonable sensitivity to this topic; however, this is not the case throughout the entire Vision.

For example, “Throughout history, Jerusalem has been subject to war and conquest,” then concludes with “the approach of this Vision is to keep Jerusalem united, make it accessible to all…”

RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF THE JERUSALEM ISSUE

The Vision asserts a theological interpretation of the three faiths that is dishonest, at least with regard to Islam.  For example, the Vision states that the Prophet Mohammad “arrives at the area of the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, where he ascends to Heaven (al-Mi’raj).”  This is incorrect and a deviation from Qur’anic text. 

JERUSALEM’S HOLY SITES

• The Vision considers that “unlike many previous powers that had ruled Jerusalem, and had destroyed the holy sites of other faiths, the State of Israel is to be commended for safeguarding the religious sites of all.”

It must be noted here that this is simply not true.  For example, there was no destruction during the Jordanian era, the Ottoman era, or during the days of Salah Al-Din.

• “. . . [M]aintaining a religious status quo”
• “People of every faith should be permitted to pray on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, in a manner that is fully respectful to their religion, taking into account the times of each religion’s prayers and holidays.”

This essentially means changing the status quo and making a spatial and temporal division of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

POLITICAL STATUS OF JERUSALEM

• This part of the Vision is a review of the development of the U.S. Congress and President Trump’s positions.  Of note is the mechanism of the Congressional Act that provides for a presidential waiver to not implement the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 - only Trump did not do so.
• “The physical barrier should remain in place and should serve as a border between the capitals of the two parties.”
• “Jerusalem will remain the sovereign capital of the State of Israel.”
• “The sovereign capital of the State of Palestine should be in the section of East Jerusalem located in all areas east and north of the existing security barrier” and “could be named Al Quds.” This is nonsense.  In fact, the Israelis keeping Shu’fat Refugee Camp and Kafr  ‘Aqab outside the Wall was indeed diabolical, creating a no man’s land that is small and horrible.
• Palestinian Jerusalemites would have three options:

1. “Become citizens of the State of Israel”
2. “Become citizens of the State of Palestine”
3. “Retain their status quo as permanent residents in Israel.”

Nonetheless, in reviewing the above-mentioned options, we find that they are false and aim to dispose of more than 140,000 Palestinians. Only 6% of Palestinian Jerusalemites have received Israeli citizenship over the years, and most of these cases are related to villages divided by the armistice lines or because of Israeli measures.

In reality, Jerusalemites will remain in limbo.

• “The State of Israel should allow for the development by the State of Palestine of a special tourism zone in Atarot . . . that provides easy access to and from the holy sites.”
• The Vision addresses several matters related to tourism in most of the Old City of Jerusalem, including the establishment of a “Jerusalem-Al Quds Joint Tourism Development Authority (the “JTDA”).”

RECOGNITION OF CAPITALS

The Vision calls for international recognition of “Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel” and “Al Quds . . . as the capital of the State of Palestine.”

 

SECTION SIX

THE TRUMP ECONOMIC PLAN

• “The economic plan will empower the Palestinian people to build a prosperous and vibrant Palestinian society.  It consists of three initiatives that will support distinct pillars of the Palestinian society:  the economy, the people, and the government.”

This Vision begs the question:  how will this materialize?

• “In addition to the requirements that the State of Palestine comply in all respects with the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, Peace to Prosperity will be conditioned upon (i) the establishment by the State of Palestine of transparent, independent, and credit-worthy financial institutions . . . (ii) the establishment of appropriate governance . . . (iii) the establishment of a legal system . . .”

 

SECTION SEVEN

SECURITY

• “The goal of this Vision is to enable the parties to meet those security challenges and to enable the State of Palestine to assume as much of its security responsibilities as possible, as quickly as possible, throughout the State of Palestine.”
• “Every country spends a very significant sum of money on its defense from external threats.  The State of Palestine will not be burdened with such costs, because it will be shouldered by the State of Israel.  This is a significant benefit for the economy of the State of Palestine . . .”
• “Upon signing the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, the State of Israel will maintain overriding security responsibility for the State of Palestine, with the aspiration that the Palestinians will be responsible for as much of their internal security as possible, subject to the provisions of this Vision.  The State of Israel will work diligently to minimize its security footprints in the State of Palestine . . . the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan can assist the State of Israel and the State of Palestine in connection with security in the State of Palestine.”
• “The State of Israel will work to increase joint-cooperation with the PASF [Palestinian Authority Security Forces] to help build its terrorism prevention capabilities.  Achieving that goal in a manner that enhances the security of both countries will necessitate the following:

1. The State of Palestine shall be fully demilitarized and remain so . . .
2. The mission of the State of Palestine’s security forces will be public order, law enforcement, counterterrorism . . . , border security . . . , protection of government officials and foreign dignitaries, and disaster response.”

• The Vision calls for “a designated pilot area” (pilot program), “a security review committee” and “a regional security committee (“RSC”).”
• “The State of Israel will maintain at least one early-warning stations (sic) in the State of Palestine as designated on the Conceptual Map, which will be run by Israeli security forces.  Uninterrupted Israeli security access to and from any early-warning station will be ensured.”
• “The State of Israel will rely on blimps, drones, and similar aerial equipment for security purposes to reduce the Israeli security footprint within the State of Palestine.”

As one respected Israeli journalist puts it: all of the above makes the Palestinian side “security slave”.

 

SECTION EIGHT

“CROSSINGS”

• “The State of Israel will work closely with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Arab Republic of Egypt, and the State of Palestine to continue to improve the system for all border crossings.”
• “All persons and goods will cross the borders into the State of Palestine through regulated border crossings, which will be monitored by the State of Israel.  Israeli border crossing officials, using state of the art scanning and imaging technology, shall have the right to confirm that no weapons, dual-use or other security-risk related items will be allowed to enter into the State of Palestine.”

 

SECTION NINE

GAZA CRITERIA

• “The State of Israel will implement its obligations under the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement only if:

1. [T]he Palestinian Authority or another national or international body acceptable to the State of Israel is in full control of Gaza;
2. Hamas, PIJ, and all other militias and terror organizations in Gaza are disarmed;
3. Gaza is fully demilitarized.”

• “[I]f efforts to return all Israeli captives and the remains of Israeli soldiers have not have previously been successful, then upon the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, all Israeli captives and remains must be returned.”

Of note is that upon signing the Palestinian side must immediately implement what is required, while the Israeli side has all the time it wants to decide if it will implement any obligations incurred by it, according to its criteria – which by the way are all general, unspecified, and unconfirmed formulations linked to permanent conditions.

• The vision sets conditions for accepting Hamas's participation in a Palestinian government: “[I]t must commit to the path of peace with the State of Israel by adopting the Quartet principles.”
• “Once these criteria are met, the economic vision will be ready to be implemented in a phased approach.”

 

SECTION TEN

FREE TRADE ZONE

• This section calls for the establishment of a free-trade zone between the State of Palestine and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

 

SECTION ELEVEN

TRADE AGREEMENT WITH THE UNITED STATES

• “The United States will continue to provide duty-free treatment to goods coming from all areas that enjoy such treatment today, and will negotiate a free trade agreement with the State of Palestine.”
   

SECTION TWELVE

PORT FACILITIES

• “Though the State of Palestine will include Gaza, security challenges make the building of a port in Gaza problematic for the foreseeable future.”

• “The State of Israel will allow the State of Palestine to use and manage earmarked facilities at both the Haifa and Ashdod ports . . .”
• The Vision makes a similar provision for the use of the port of Aqaba in Jordan.

“Potential Gaza Port and Potential Airport for Gaza”

The Vision states that “Five years following the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement and assuming the full satisfaction of the Gaza Criteria, the State of Palestine shall have the right, subject to the satisfaction of State of Israel’s security and environmental requirements, to create an artificial island off the coast of Gaza to develop a port to serve Gaza (the “GAZA PORT”), as well as an airport for small aircraft.”

 

SECTION THIRTEEN

DEAD SEA RESORT AREA

• “The State of Israel will allow the State of Palestine to develop a resort area in the North of the Dead Sea without prejudice to the State of Israel’s sovereignty.”
• The Vision affirms, “The presence of the Palestinian resort area along the coast of the Dead Sea will not alter the distribution arrangements between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the State of Israel for natural resources in the Dead Sea.”

It is important to note that it was a three-party agreement.

 

SECTION FOURTEEN

WATER AND WASTE WATER TREATMENT

 

• “The parties recognize mutual water rights and agree to equitably share existing cross border water sources and cooperate in making additional sources available through existing and emerging technologies.”

It must be said here that the Palestinian waters have vanished.

• “The parties agree to also focus investment in wastewater treatment.”

 

SECTION FIFTEEN

PRISONERS

 

• “The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement will provide for the release of Palestinian prisoners and administrative detainees held in Israeli prisons, except (i) those convicted of murder or attempted murder, (ii) those convicted of conspiracy to commit murder (in each case murder includes murder by terrorism) and (iii) Israeli citizens.”
• “All prisoners who are released will become citizens of the State of Palestine. For the avoidance of doubt, prisoners described under clauses (i), (ii) and (iii) above shall not be released under the terms of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement.”
• “The first phase, to occur immediately after the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, will include minors, women, prisoners over 50 years of age, prisoners in ill health, and those who have served over two-thirds of their sentence.”
• “The parties will agree on the timing of the second phase, which will include the remaining eligible prisoners who have served over half their sentence.”
• “Any additional prisoner releases will be based on Israeli consent.”
• “Each prisoner who is released will be required to sign a pledge…”
• “No Palestinian prisoners or administrative detainees will be released in accordance with this section if all Israeli captives and remains are not returned to the State of Israel.”

These infer that prisoners will not be released, and Jerusalemite prisoners and holders of the Israeli citizenship will be exiled from their homes, villages, and cities, among whom is Fatah Central Committee member, prisoner Kareem Younis.

 

SECTION SIXTEEN

REFUGEES

• “The Arab-Israeli conflict created both a Palestinian and Jewish refugee problem.”
• “Proposals that demand that the State of Israel agree to take in Palestinian refugees, or that promise tens of billions of dollars in compensation for the refugees, have never been realistic and a credible funding source has never been identified.”
• “From 1950 until and including 2017, the United States contributed approximately $6.15 billion to United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA).”
• “A just, fair and realistic solution to the Palestinian refugee issue must be found in order to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”
• “The Jewish refugee issue, including compensation for lost assets, must also be addressed. Additionally, the State of Israel deserves compensation for the costs of absorbing Jewish refugees from those countries. A just, fair and realistic solution for the issues relating to Jewish refugees must be implemented through an appropriate international mechanism separate from the Israel-Palestinian Peace Agreement.”

This means asking Egypt, Yemen, Iraq, Morocco and other Arab countries to pay compensation to the Jews who left and the costs to Israel in exchange for their absorption. While for instance, Jordan does not deserve compensation for the cost of absorbing part of the Palestinian refugees.

“This Vision contemplates that the Palestinian refugee issue will be resolved along the following lines:”

“GENERAL FRAMEWORK”

• “The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement shall provide for a complete end and release of any and all claims relating to refugee or immigration status. There shall be no right of return by, or absorption of, any Palestinian refugee into the State of Israel.”
• “UNRWA’s mandate, and its multi-generational definition of who constitutes a refugee, has exacerbated the refugee crisis.”
• “Under any circumstance, individuals who have already resettled in a permanent location (to be further defined in the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement) will not be eligible for resettlement, and will be eligible only for compensation as described below.”
• “This plan envisions three options for Palestinian refugees seeking a permanent place of residence:

1. Absorption into the State of Palestine (subject to the limitations provided below);
2. Local integration in current host countries (subject to those countries consent); or
3. The acceptance of 5,000 refugees each year, for up to ten years (50,000 total refugees), in individual Organization of Islamic Cooperation member countries who agree to participate in Palestinian refugee resettlement (subject to those individual countries’ agreement).”
    

“COMPENSATION AND ASSISTANCE FRAMEWORK”

• “Funds will have a far greater impact on the State of Palestine’s economic and social viability and on the refugees themselves if used to implement the Trump Economic Plan.”
• “Nevertheless, we will endeavor to raise a fund to provide some compensation to Palestinian refugees. Such funds will be placed in a trust (the “PALESTINIAN REFUGEE TRUST”) to be administered by two trustees (“TRUSTEES”) to be appointed by the State of Palestine and the United States.”
• “It must be stressed that many Palestinian refugees in the Middle East come from war torn countries, such as Syria and Lebanon that are extremely hostile toward the State of Israel. To address this concern, a committee of Israelis and Palestinians will be formed to address this issue and to resolve outstanding disputes over the entry in the State of Palestine of Palestinian refugees from any location. The rights of Palestinian refugees to immigrate to the State of Palestine shall be limited in accordance with agreed security arrangements.”
• “[T]he rate of movement of refugees from outside Gaza and the West Bank into the State of Palestine shall be agreed to by the parties.”
• “Upon the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, Palestinian refugee status will cease to exist, and UNWRA will be terminated.” Note that this is even before any implementation.
• “[D]ismantling of all Palestinian refugee camps and the building of permanent housing.”
   

SECTION SEVENTEEN

FOUNDATIONS OF A PALESTINIAN STATE

• “The transition to statehood is complex and fraught with peril.” 

Why is this complex only in the case of the State of Palestine?

• “It is critical that the State of Palestine have the necessary foundational elements to give it a high probability of succeeding”:

1. “[A] governing system with a constitution or another system for establishing the rule of law that provides for freedom of press, free and fair elections, respect for human rights for its citizens, protections for religious freedom”
2. “[T]ransparent, independent, and credit-worthy financial institutions”
3. “The Palestinians shall have ended all programs, including school curricula and textbooks, that serve to incite or promote hatred or antagonism towards its neighbors.”
4. “The Palestinians shall have achieved civilian and law enforcement control over all of its territory and demilitarized its population.”  This refers to Gaza.
5. “The Palestinians shall have complied with all the other terms and conditions of this Vision.”

• “Once these measures are completed the United States will encourage other countries to welcome the State of Palestine as a full member in international organizations. However, the State of Palestine may not join any international organization if such membership would contradict commitments of the State of Palestine to demilitarization and cessation of political and judicial warfare against the State of Israel.”
   

SECTION EIGHTEEN

EDUCATION AND CULTURE OF PEACE

 

The Vision addresses the “culture of peace,” “end to incitement” and a “Joint Commission on Acceptance and Tolerance.”

We note here the return to the old futile story.

 

SECTION NINETEEN

ISRAELI-ARAB RELATIONSHIPS;

REGIONAL ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIPS

 

• “The goal of this Vision is to have the Arab states fully cooperate with the State of Israel for the benefit of all the countries in the region.”
• “The United States will strongly encourage Arab countries to begin to normalize their relations with the State of Israel and negotiate lasting peace agreements.”
• “Economic ties between the State of Israel and its neighbors should be expanded. . .”
• “The Arab countries, along with the State of Palestine, should cease to support anti-Israel initiatives at the United Nations and in other multilateral bodies.”
• “End any boycott of the State of Israel and oppose the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (commonly referred to as BDS) movement.”

 

“New Opportunities for Regional Security Initiatives”

• “The State of Israel, the State of Palestine and the Arab countries will work together to counter Hezbollah, ISIS, Hamas (if Hamas does not reorient in accordance with the Gaza Criteria), and all other terrorist groups and organizations, as well as other extremist groups.”
• “The State of Israel is not a threat to the region whatsoever.”
• “[C]ommon interests in combating terrorist groups and organizations and the common danger posed by an expansionist Iran.”
• “[T]he State of Palestine, the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the State of Israel (and such additional countries in the region who wish to join) should form an Organization for Security and Cooperation in the Middle East (the “OSCME”).”
   

SECTION TWENTY

MUTUAL RECOGNITION BETWEEN NATION STATES

 

• “The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement will provide that the parties recognize the State of Palestine as the nation state of the Palestinian people and the State of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people.”

 

SECTION TWENTY-ONE

END OF CLAIMS / END OF CONFLICT

 

• “The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement will end the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, and end all claims between the parties. The foregoing will be proposed in (i) a new UN Security Council resolution, and (ii) a new UN General Assembly resolution.”

 

SECTION TWENTY-TWO

CONDUCT DURING NEGOTIATIONS

 

• “During the peace negotiations, the parties are expected to do the following:

The State of Israel

In areas of the West Bank that are not contemplated by this Vision to be part of the State of Israel, Israel will not:

1. Build any new settlement towns, expand existing settlements or advance plans to build in those areas;
2. Expand any of the Israeli enclaves . . .;
   The above-mentioned two points relate to 15 settlements only.
3. Demolish any structure existing as of the date of this Vision and secure the necessary legislative and/or legal decisions to ensure such an outcome. This moratorium does not preclude demolition of any illegal construction, where such construction was initiated following the release of this Vision. This moratorium does not apply to the demolition of any structure that poses a safety risk, as determined by the State of Israel, or punitive demolitions following acts of terrorism.”

In practice, this means that complete demolitions will continue according to what has and continues to be done at the discretion of the Israeli occupation authorities.

Palestinians

The PLO and the Palestinian Authority shall:

1. Refrain from any attempt to join any international organization without the consent of the State of Israel;
2. Take no action, and shall dismiss all pending actions, against the State of Israel, the United States and any of their citizens before the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, and all other tribunals;
3. Take no action against any Israeli or United States citizen before Interpol or any non-Israeli or United States (sic)
4. Take all necessary actions to immediately terminate the paying of salaries to terrorists serving sentences in Israeli prisons, as well as to the families of deceased terrorists (collectively, the “PRISONER & MARTYR PAYMENTS”)”

The United States

The Vision calls for the reversal of recent actions taken by the American Administration against the Palestinians.
 

PART B

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

In this part, the Vision presents the initiatives of the Bahrain Conference.  It floats an amount of $50 billion -- no one knows exactly from where this money will come, and most could be from Arabs.  The figure $50 billion does not relate to a Palestinian side only, it includes assistance to Egypt and Jordan, and most of the sum for the Palestinian side is in the form of loans. It includes theoretical goals regarding job creation, reducing unemployment and alleviating poverty.

Given the Palestinian experience, how can this be possible in principle when subject to Israeli rule?

The Vision envisions “Unleashing Economic Potential:  Goals”

• “Opening the West Bank and Gaza”

How can this occur in light of the political framework?

• “Constructing new ports of entry” 

What will be our cost and what are the conditions?

• “Promoting Private-Sector Growth”
• “Strengthening Regional Development and Integration”
   

CONCEPTUAL MAP

A number of observations can be made regarding the Conceptual Map:

• Settlements: The map includes 15 settlements inside the territory that is supposed to become the State of Palestine.
• The link between West Bank and Gaza Strip is nothing (ambiguous).  There are dotted lines between them, but nothing in the texts of the Vision refers to a tunnel linking the West Bank to the Gaza Strip that was previously suggested.
• The configuration of the proposed State of Palestine in the Vision is absurd and ludicrous.

Two areas that comprise two disasters are the Yigal Allon Plan, and what appears to be 30% or more of the West Bank annexed (Jerusalem, the Jordan Valley and settlements) – not even the boundaries of the Wall – another deception.

Of course, in addition to the two “absorptions”, south of Gaza and in the Negev (Al-Naqab) – as a result of the firm rejection of Egypt to attach the Gaza Strip into the Sinai.  Nobody knows anything about the two “absorptions”.

An important aspect of the Conceptual Map that is worthy of attention:  the map of Israel is defined with clear borders with Jordan (in violation of the Jordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty) and Egypt, and with Syria after erasing the occupied Syrian Golan Heights, but there is a dotted line with Lebanon– which suggests that Israel may change what it deems appropriate for its boundary with Lebanon.

The Appendices

All are nonsense.

Conclusions

• The Vision is not the deal of the century, not a small deal, not a peace plan, not an initiative to end the conflict, and certainly not a two-state solution.  Rather it is a recitation of positions for Israeli right-wing extremists, including settlers and evangelical extremists that are consistent and complementary of previous positions of the U.S. Administration according to its Middle East policy.
• The text is all nonsense written (or at least was tangibly influenced) by extremist rabbis and settler-colonists with a mad ideological vision.  The timing of the announcement of the Vision has nothing to do with establishing peace in the Middle East but serves other concerns of the American and Israeli side.
• The starting point of this Vision is that all of mandatory Palestine belongs to Israel (Greater Israel); denies the existence of the Palestinian people and their national rights but attempts to find a solution for Palestinian residents within (inside) Israel in a scattered, non-sovereign entity that Palestinians could call a ‘state’.  Of course, this starting point also infers that there is no occupation and that all violations committed by Israel in Jerusalem and its settlement program should be legalized.
• If such a vision is acted upon, it would likely, regardless of American intentions, lead to policies to expel Palestinians and to attempt forced displacement (transfer).
• The essence of the so-called Vision violates all provisions of international law, the foundations of international multilateral systems, and international consensus on the basis of peaceful resolution.  The Vision also contravenes adopted American policies on the Middle East and concluded agreements within the framework of the peace process.  It thus encourages more grave violations [by Israel] and threatens peace.
• The Palestinian people and their leadership cannot accept this Vision, negotiate on its basis, or deal with it, hoping that all parties who support the Palestinian cause, to achieve peace with justice and are committed to the principles of international law and foundations of world order, to take the same position and present alternatives and mechanisms to help achieve a settlement.

 

What Shall We Do as the Palestinian People?

• The position of the Palestinian leadership has been very clear in rejecting this Vision, which is important and positive.
• A strategy of action, specific measures, and perhaps new teams are needed to seriously address the situation.  In this regard, we reiterate the following objectives:

• Serious efforts to restore political and geographic unity
• Restructure the Palestinian Authority, not to change but to shift its functional tasks to only that of a service-oriented Authority including, in particular, its security services:  doctrine, capabilities, and functions.
• Declare that any Israeli step to annex any part of the Occupied Palestinian Territory will be tantamount to an official declaration by Israel to end the negotiated settlement.
• Reaffirm our central national goal to achieve national independence in the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital, struggle to achieve that without a negotiated settlement, in light of the Israeli position, and call upon the international community to support and take concrete steps to achieve national independence.
• We, the Palestinian people, are capable of ending this Vision and its negative effects and connotations, and are able to continue the struggle until we achieve national independence in the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders, with Jerusalem as its capital.